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Vladimir Putin TIME 100 Leaders


TIME 100 Leaders 

Vladimir Putin

By Ian Bremmer


April 16, 2015

Russia's iron man

“Behave or else,” say leaders of the world’s most powerful countries—and Vladimir Putin continues to choose “else.” He does it in ways that strengthen his hold on a nation increasingly under stress. The Russian President is significant in any year, because no one in the world has amassed greater political authority in a country so important to international politics and the global economy. Putin’s place on this year’s list comes thanks to his gravity-defying ability to confront the West in ways that boost his popularity in a country suffering through an economic meltdown for which his own policies are largely responsible. No leader arouses more fascination around the world, because his actions speak a language of defiance that so many of his people want to hear, lifting him to levels of popularity that other leaders can only envy. How long can he remain aloft? Don’t bet against him quite yet.​

Bremmer, TIME’s foreign-affairs columnist, is the president of Eurasia Group, a political-risk consultancy





TIME 100 Leaders 

Hillary Clinton

By Laurene Powell Jobs


April 16, 2015 


Realist and idealist

Hillary Clinton is not familiar. She is revolutionary. Not radical, but revolutionary: the distinction is crucial. She is one of America’s greatest modern creations. Her decades in our public life must not blind us to the fact that she represents new realities and possibilities. Indeed, those same decades have conferred upon her what newness usually lacks: judgment, and even wisdom.

Women who advocate for other women are often pigeonholed and pushed to the margins. That hasn’t happened to Hillary, because when she’s standing up for the rights of women and girls, she is speaking not only of gender but also of justice and liberty.

As Hillary has always made clear, these values are universal, and fulfilling them is a practical and moral pursuit. She is a realist with a conscience and an idealist who is comfortable with the exercise of power.

This helps explain why she has been so effective, even in this golden age of polarization. Hillary knows how to draw opponents out of their fighting corners and forge solutions on common ground. She practices the politics of reconciliation and reason. Which, not coincidentally, is also the politics of progress.

It matters, of course, that Hillary is a woman. But what matters more is what kind of woman she is.

Powell Jobs is the founder and chair of Emerson Collective




Marine Le Pen

By Vivienne Walt

April 16, 2015

France's nationalist force

Just under a year ago, France’s Marine Le Pen told TIME her far-right National Front Party would be in power within a decade. That’s a
nightmarish prospect for millions who regard her France-for-the-French message as mere jingoism—and it seemed like a stretch.

nightmarish:悪夢のような
jingoism:盲目的な愛国主義

Her prediction, however, no longer seems preposterous. Le Pen has spun gold from voter exasperation, mixing charm and ambition to rack up wins in European Parliament and local elections with an anti-Europe, anti-immigration campaign. That’s made her Europe’s leading right-winger, giving like-minded politicians across the continent a dose of electability. And this month she finally split from her father, National Front founder Jean-Marie Le Pen, over his noxious anti-Semitism.

preposterous:ばかげた、非常識な
 exasperation:憎悪、怒り
rack up :得点、利益などをあげる
like-minded :同じ意見の、同志の
 dose :服用量
electability:

Le Pen has strong allure for many French, who have hit the wall with asphyxiating political elitism and near zero growth. To stop her race for the Élysée Palace in its tracks, France’s lackluster leaders will need to overhaul their ineffectual, gutless style and mount a more appealing revolution of their own.

 allure :魅力
asphyxiating:窒息する
lackluster:活気のない、どんよりした
mount:開始する

Walt writes for TIME from Paris



Editorials

Message should be repeated
   

Apr 22, 2015  Article history 

http://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2015/04/22/editorials/message-repeated/#.VTwZh7eJjcs

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has indicated that he does not plan to repeat the keywords used in the 1995 statement by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama to mark the 50th year since the end of World War II when he issues a new statement this summer to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the war’s end. “Now that I have said that I inherit the basic way of thinking (contained in the past statements by prime ministers on war anniversaries), I do not need to write them again,” Abe said in a TV program aired Monday. He also said he would not need to issue a new statement if he was merely going to repeat the words of his predecessors — that he might as well just copy those texts and add his name.

But if Abe says that he does indeed honor the thinking behind the past statements, why is he reluctant to repeat the keywords — in particular the core elements of the earlier statements that relate to the government’s perception of Japan’s prewar and wartime actions? Contrary to what he says, his remarks only seem to fuel skepticism that he in fact questions the thinking behind the past prime ministers’ statements.

Twenty years ago, Murayama expressed his “heartfelt apology” to people in Asian countries over Japan’s “colonial rule and aggression” before and during WWII. Such words were essentially repeated a decade later when Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi issued a statement to mark the 60th anniversary of the war’s ending. What Abe will say in his upcoming statement has been a subject of political speculation since he said earlier this year that he wants to avoid “nitpicking” about what words were omitted or newly inserted compared with the past war-anniversary statements.

Koizumi also mentioned Japan’s apology for its colonial rule and wartime aggression when he addressed an international conference held in 2005 to mark the 50th anniversary of the Bandung Conference. In a speech Abe gave Wednesday to the summit of Asian and African leaders in Jakarta to commemorate the 60th year from the 1955 conference, he referred to Japan’s “deep remorse” over WWII but made no mention of an apology or colonial rule and aggression.

On Monday’s TV show, Abe noted that the major pillars of his upcoming statement will be Japan’s remorse for the war, its postwar path as a pacifist nation, its resolve to contribute to regional and global peace, and the shape of Japan and the world 100 years from now. But if he wants to highlight Japan’s postwar efforts and future ambitions, he must clarify his thoughts on the nation’s wartime past — which served as the basis for its rise as a pacifist country after the war. Abe should revisit his own words — which he said to members of his advisory panel on the war-anniversary statement at the outset of their first meeting in February: that the foundation for the future can never be disconnected from the past.

Abe has repeatedly stated in the Diet that the definition of “aggression” has not been established either in academic or international terms. In 2013, he said his administration does not inherit the Murayama statement as it is — although he later toned down his rhetoric and said that he inherits the positions of past governments as a whole, including Murayama’s 1995 statement. Such remarks call to question his endorsement of Murayama’s apology.

Abe should realize that the future-oriented, forward-looking message he apparently wants to convey in his statement this summer could be undermined if, by his omission of the past administrations’ recognition of Japan’s wartime past, other countries suspect that the nation is revising its perception of history. If Abe does indeed endorse the thinking behind his predecessors’ previous war-anniversary statements, he should not hesitate to repeat their words.

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