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Essay: What (If Anything) to Expect
from Today's Philosophers

Friday, Jan. 07, 1966 

THERE is an old saying that philosophy bakes no bread. It is perhaps equally true that no bread would ever have been baked without philosophy. For the act of baking implies a decision on the philosophical issue of whether life is worthwhile at all. Bakers may not have often asked themselves the question in so many words. But philosophy traditionally has been nothing less than the attempt to ask and answer, in a formal and disciplined way, the great questions of life that ordinary men might put to themselves in reflective moments. 

The world has both favored and feared the philosophers' answers. Thomas Aquinas became a saint, Aristotle was tutor to Alexander the Great, and Voltaire was a confidant of kings. But Socrates was put to death, and Giordano Bruno was burned at the stake. Nowadays, Historian Will Durant has noted, no one would think of doing that—"not because men are more delicate about killing, but because there is no need to kill that which is already dead." 

Philosophy dead? It often seems so. In a world of war and change, of principles armed with bombs and technology searching for principles, the alarming thing is not what philosophers say but what they fail to say. When reason is overturned, blind passions are rampant, and urgent questions mount, men turn for guidance to scientists, psychiatrists, sociologists, ideologues, politicians, historians, journalists—almost anyone except their traditional guide, the philosopher. Ironically, the once remote theologians are in closer touch with humanity's immediate and intense concerns than most philosophers, who today tend to be relatively obscure academic technicians. No living U.S. philosopher has the significance to the world at large that John Dewey or George Santayana had a generation or two ago. Many feel that philosophy has played out its role in the history of human culture; the "queen of sciences" has been dethroned. 

Once all sciences were part of philosophy's domain, but gradually, from physics to psychology, they seceded and established themselves as independent disciplines. Above all, for some time now, philosophy itself has been engaged in a vast revolt against its own past and against its traditional function. This intellectual purge may well have been necessary, but as a result contemporary philosophy looks inward at its own problems rather than outward at men, and philosophizes about philosophy, not about life. A great many of his colleagues in the U.S. today would agree with Donald Kalish, chairman of the philosophy department at U.C.L.A., who says: "There is no system of philosophy to spin out. There are no ethical truths, there are just clarifications of particular ethical problems. Take advantage of these clarifications and work out your own existence. You are mistaken to think that anyone ever had the answers. There are no answers. Be brave and face up to it." 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Japan From Superrich To Superpower

As its economic strength hardens into political muscle, Tokyo confronts the dilemma of how and when to use its might

By John Greenwald      Monday, July 04, 1988 


At a time of constant warnings that the U.S. is in decline, Japan, above all other nations, is conspicuously on the rise. "There's no reason that Japan won't continue to grow," says Yale History Professor Paul Kennedy, author of The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. "Its economic drive is pushing it toward center stage." 

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Most experts agree. "The American century is over," says Clyde Prestowitz, a former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Commerce in the Reagan Administration and author of Trading Places: How We Allowed Japan to Take the Lead. "The big development in the latter part of the century is the emergence of Japan as a major superpower."

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But what kind of superpower will Japan be? How quickly will the country's economic strength turn, as it eventually may, into political muscle? How will the Japanese use that newfound might, and what are the consequences for its closest ally, the U.S.? Can Japan become a truly powerful nation without acquiring a military capability that would frighten and antagonize its friends and neighbors and violate its own constitution? Will the world see a Pax Japonica 25 years from now, or will Japan the banker form a partnership with America the policeman to create a sort of Pax Amerippon?

 
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All the Hazards and Threats of Success

After their miracle, the Japanese fear "advanced nations' disease" 

By Lance Morrow      Monday, Aug. 01, 1983 
 
イメージ 1One of the most painful intricacies of the Japanese undertaking is this: Japan, by becoming such an economic phenomenon, has incurred new responsibilities. Yet those responsibilities cannot be fulfilled if the Japanese remain true to some of the characteristics that made them so successful in the first place. The Japanese are both distinguished and confined by their own culture. Their culture is their charm, their force, their secret and their gravest limitation. It gives them both method and identity and an enveloping inhibition. The Japanese attach such total meaning to themselves that for them, few intellectual excursions outside that circle can be significant.

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Japan has become an economic superpower, but not yet a cultural or a political or a moral superpower. The deepest questions of the Japanese future revolve around Japan's capacity to transcend the limitations of its identity. Both the U.S. and the Soviet Union attempt to export ideals: for better and for worse, they stand for something in the world. What does Japan represent? Does Japan have a universal meaning? Or is its meaning, unlike its products, destined to remain confined to the home islands? Do superior products embody ideals? 
 
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"The U.S. and Japan are bound by destiny to help each other"

Despite the long hours that he is putting in at his new job, Yasuhiro Nakasone was relaxed last week in his spartan but spacious office in the 1920s-style official Prime Minister's residence in Tokyo. On the eve of his first meeting with Ronald Reagan, Nakasone, nattily attired in a well-cut gray suit and soft black leather loafers, discussed a wide range of U.S.-Japanese concerns with TIME's Tokyo bureau chief Edwin Reingold. Highlights:

On U.S.-Japanese friction: Japan has become the second largest economy in the free world, after the U.S., and it is inevitable that there should be friction between two such economic giants. It would be extraordinary if there were no friction. The major task for business and government leaders is how to deal with it. I see opportunities for experts in both countries to share their wisdom and resources for coexistence. In some sectors, on some subjects, it might be quite feasible to conduct joint research or joint enterprises so that we can open the way for a competitive but cooperative kind of relationship. Both of us would be advised to plan very far ahead for cooperation on high technology.

On protectionism: Protectionism motivated by short-range selfish interests will only cause a chain reaction of protective measures. This creates the grave danger of accelerating the recession into a 1930s-like depression. If that happens, Japan is the country with the most to lose. Therefore, by employing every means at our disposal, we must shatter this tide of protectionism and guard free trade. If there is a depression, the country that will be the most pleased will be the Soviet Union.

On trade: It is important to solve the problems of trade one by one. Since last May, Japan has reduced tariffs substantially, or abolished or otherwise liberalized imports on some 300 items. We have recently taken more urgent action—though you might say somewhat belatedly, somewhat tardily—on tariffs on tobacco products, chocolate and other items. We shall continue to make these efforts to solve individual problems.

On opening Japan's markets to more imports: This is the most important point. There are various standards and requirements, safety examinations and testing, that are going to be improved—drastically. I have ordered such efforts. For example, on boats there are still complex procedures for import inspections that might be taken as harassment, and I have ordered drastic measures to simplify those procedures. I have also ordered an investigation into procedures for certifying the acceptability of products at the manufacturing site overseas. By approving the factory itself, all products from that factory could be imported freely into Japan. I want to do this on every possible product. I am ordering a comprehensive study of across-the-board legislation to handle all these problems. I should have a report within a month.

On defense: When Japan became independent [of the Allied powers in 1952], it was totally without arms and depended entirely on the U.S. But remember, I am the architect of the Defense Agency Establishment Law and the Self-Defense Forces Law [which allow for limited Japanese armed forces]. Our self-defense capability has continued to improve, and the operation of the Japan-U.S. security treaty has been undergoing changes. What Japan can do is strengthen our own capabilities to defend the Japanese archipelago, and we can and are giving the fullest cooperation in consultation with the U.S. in deploying [forces] in the most effective strategic and tactical posture. I believe Japan's own defense capabilities and U.S. capabilities, centering on the Seventh Fleet, are in a complementary relationship through our [bilateral] security treaty. The treaty itself contains language about maintaining peace and stability in the Far East. In this sense, one could say that as Japan buttresses its own defense capability, it will allow the U.S. to expand its scope or sphere of exercise or operation.

On revising Japan's antiwar constitution: The three cornerstones of the building of postwar Japan have been the peace treaty following World War II, the U.S.-Japanese security treaty and the constitution. The Communist Party and the left wing in general have argued for a policy of unarmed neutrality based on their interpretation of constitutional Article 9 [which renounces war as a sovereign right]. But the interpretation by the Liberal Democratic Party and by a majority of the Japanese people has always been that we can maintain the minimum self-defense capability, that an independent nation is entitled to maintain sufficient armed forces for minimum self-defense. There has been confusion as regards this from the days right after the war until today, so some people have been arguing that we must establish a national political consensus that we can maintain self-defense forces. People have been led to feel that any discussion of revision of the constitution is taboo. But in a free and democratic society there should be no taboos. Although I will not place constitutional revision on my political timetable, I firmly believe that we must destroy all taboos in our free democratic society.

On future relations with the U.S.: The first thing I learned from the Americans [after the war] was humanism, the fact that American soldiers had a deeply held belief in humanism beyond the battlefield toward their former foes, civilian or military. The second was their businesslike attitude and their efficiency. America was Japan's mentor or teacher. But of late the student has been showing signs of excelling the teacher, and the teacher might be getting a little jealous of the student's achievements. The student hopes the teacher will progress further and keep abreast or stay ahead of the student. The student in the meantime is rapidly depleting his energy and weakening his footing. The U.S. has been a very good teacher to Japan, and the student does not want to fight the teacher. Instead, the student hopes that the two most important nations in the free world can help each other and hand in hand build a free world. These two Pacific nations are bound by destiny, I believe, to help and collaborate with each other. Disputes and friction will continue to arise, but if you take a little longer view, all of them can be solved. Both of us should try to put ourselves into each other's shoes and continue to make sincere and consistent efforts as free-world teammates.

On Japan's international image: I want to improve things so that Japan will be able to keep its honorable place in the world community and be known as a nation of fair-minded people.

.
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