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35年前の大ベストセラー 大幅加筆で増補改訂版発刊!
英語ブーム到来!  平成の今、輝きを増す  松本道弘の『英語道』
英語で何を伝えるのか? 超ド級のコミュニケーション論!
●もくじ
Ⅰ部 新・私はこうして英語を学んだ(平成26年著)
第1章 英語は花
第2章 英語道
第3章 『私はこうして英語を学んだ』(昭和54年著)を再読して
Ⅱ部 私はこうして英語を学んだ(昭和54年著)
第1章 私はこうして英語を学んだ
−いままでの方法ではもう伸びない−
第2章 英語力を抜群にするのはこの方法だ!
−誰にも明かさなかった秘伝初公開−
第3章 斬れる英語の学び方
−インプットを上手にやる法−
第4章 ビジネス英語に自信をつける
−力不足をなげく前に−
●本書「読者へのお願い」から
本書、改訂版『私はこうして英語を学んだ』では、四十歳前の「松本道弘」が書いたものと、七十四歳ほやほやの「空龍」が挑むつもりで書いたもので成り立っている。読者諸
兄におかれては、トータル三十四歳の年齢差を意識してお読みいただきたいのである。今読み返せば、当時の文体もあまりにもゴツゴツしたもので、面映ゆく感じる。
しかし、枯れた心境に差し掛かったこの空龍も、当時の若さゆえ許される荒々しさと横柄さに嫉妬すら感じることがあり、ま、原文はこのままにしておこうかと考えた。鉄人か
ら昇格ほやほやの達人と、今は聖人、空龍を襲名したての名人の、両者の対決という風景になろうかと思う。
著 松本道弘
定価 本体2,200円+税/ISBN978-4-907571-07-8/四六判 432p 上製本
付録「英語道実力測定表」つき   2014年12月24日発売
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
The World: The Super Missionary



The Far East of late has become something of a spawning ground for spiritual leaders bent on converting the world. There was South Korea's Rev. Sun Myung Moon, 55, a self-ordained Christian missionary (and self-made millionaire) whose message of repentance was blatted across the U.S. last year by thousands of zealous young converts to his Unification Church (TIME, Sept. 30). Yet another prophet is Daisaku Ikeda, 46, president and spiritual leader of Japan's Soka Gakkai (Value-Creation Society), a laymen's Buddhist organization. Ikeda is fast earning a reputation as a super missionary for peace. 

Although the sect's Utopian approach to global problems often sounds like an Oriental echo of Moral Re-Armament, Ikeda carries more political clout than most religious leaders. His organization is the founder of Japan's Komeito (Clean Government) party, which emerged second only to the combined forces of the Socialists and Communists as an opposition party in the last election. Moreover, on his global mission for what he calls "lasting peace," Ikeda last year was received by both Soviet Premier Aleksei Kosygin and Chinese Premier Chou Enlai. When he visits the U.S. this week to address his organization's 200,000 converts in the country, Ikeda will meet U.N. Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim to inform him that Soka Gakkai has collected 10 million signatures against nuclear armament. 

Lotus Sutra. Although Soka Gakkai is based on the teachings of a zealous 13th century Japanese monk named Nichiren Daishonin, who sought to demystify and simplify Buddhism, it has little in common with Zen or other more meditative sects. The emphasis is placed on repeated chanting of the Diamoku, (worship formula) in praise of the lotus sutra. Members must prove their piety by making fresh converts. One of their most debatable practices is shakubuku, or forcible persuasion, which some critics charge has often bordered on brainwashing. 

The organization had a phenomenal growth after Ikeda, the son of a Tokyo seaweed vendor, became its leader in 1960. Since then, membership has grown from 1.3 million to 10 million, and converts have been made in more than 30 different countries. To propagate its teachings, Soka Gakkai publishes a daily newspaper, Seikyo Shimbun (circ. 4.5 million), operates its own university, Soka Digaku, near Tokyo, and has built a temple as big as the Houston Astrodome at the foot of Mount Fuji. 

In 1964 the organization founded the Komeito party in hopes of wiping out corruption in government. Although the party is now theoretically independent of Soka Gakkai, believers in the sect account for 90% of party membership. With 30 representatives in the lower house of the Diet and 24 in the upper house, Komeito has become a force to be reckoned with. Says Yoshiaki Masaki, the party policy board chairman: "We stand on the side of small people and work against the base of authority in Japan." 

Faith and Power. Ikeda himself has moved more and more into the political arena recently. He called for re-establishing diplomatic relations with China long before most other Japanese leaders did, and has written a bestselling book about his impressions of Mao's revolution. In other books, lectures and articles, which are seriously and lengthily analyzed in the Tokyo press, Ikeda has advocated a world food bank, cutbacks in defense expenditures, and nuclear disarmament. His most consuming passion is the creation of an international people-to-people crusade against war. "Government leaders come and go," he explains. "Not the contact established and fostered for peace, people to people." 

Ikeda lives modestly in a Japanese-style house with his wife and three children. By many of his followers, he is regarded as a reincarnation of Nichiren, and he obviously relishes the role. True to the teachings of Soka Gakkai, Ikeda equates faith with power—and he makes no bones about the fact that power is what his organization is after. Why not? Says he: "You have to have power to do anything at all meaningful."
 
 
 
 
THE TEMPLE OF DAWN 

by YUKIO MISHIMA 

352 pages. Knopf. $7.95. 


The serial publication of Yukio Mishima's last works, a tetralogy called The Sea of Fertility, has the eerie effect of making him seem the fastest and most prolific dead writer in history. A bit more than a year ago came the English translation of the first posthumous volume, Spring Snow. Last summer it was Runaway Horses. Now we have The Temple of Dawn. 

Mishima sealed this literary package with his ritual suicide in 1970, when he was only 45. Unlike, say, Ernest Hemingway, who shot himself at 61 in apparent despair over a deteriorating mind, Mishima killed himself in what seemed a gesture of robust if wasteful heroism, the ultimate act of self-control. Since his death was so theatrically deliberate, the temptation is strong to judge the tetralogy as an artistic and philosophical suicide note to the world. The note is now three-quarters completed for English-language readers. It is fascinating and ambitious, but the final message (and literary value) is still difficult to decipher. 

The first three interconnected books are extraordinarily good. Mishima uses the Buddhist doctrine of reincarnation to link various characters throughout the 20th century with changing manners, politics and national psychology in Japan. In The Temple of Dawn, he also discourses widely and sometimes pedantically about Buddhist theory; that is unfamiliar country for most Western readers. But Mishima's intensely poetic moral sense communicates his own fascination with such subjects. 

In Spring Snow, the dreamy and aristocratic hero Kiyoaki Matsugae died a vaporously youthful death. He becomes Isao, the fanatic young political conspirator of Runaway Horses. In The Temple of Dawn, Kiyoaki/Isao is again transformed, this time into Ying Chan, a lovely Thai princess. The witness to all three incarnations is a wonderfully subtle spiritual voyeur named Honda, a rationalist Japanese judge and lawyer. Honda, like a principle of embattled moral intelligence, acts as Mishima's civilized guide through the mysteries of love, death, political tragedy and reincarnation. 

If Mishima had written nothing else, his account of Honda's excursion to Benares, the holy Indian crematory site on the Ganges, would be considered a small masterpiece, on the order of E.M. Forster's visit to the Malabar caves in A Passage to India. Among the funeral burnings Honda finds an appalling filth and holy joy that amaze him: "A black arm would suddenly rise or a body would curl up in the fire as though turning over in sleep." The scene "was full of nauseous abomination, the inevitable ingredient of all times deemed sacred and pure in Benares." And yet "there was a flashing animation in the flames, as though something were being born." 

Mishima takes Japan from the late '30s through the war and the postwar period into the perplexed affluence of the '50s. Eventually, Honda becomes joylessly rich. He degenerates from spiritual voyeur into Peeping Tom—a transformation reflecting Mishima's own contempt for the vulgarization and materialism of postwar Japan. As the novel ends, Honda, who has begun to sound like a Japanese Humbert Humbert in his pursuit of his Thai princess—now a student in Japan—secretly watches her in a lesbian embrace. Then Honda's mansion at the foot of Mount Fuji burns to the ground like a pyre at Benares, the flyaway ashes sporadically sizzling into his new swimming pool. The combination of filigreed Oriental pornography and slightly cheap Götterdämmerung has sometimes been a contaminating tendency in Mishima's work. But the rest of the book plausibly suggests a writer whose gifts amount at least to minor genius. 

—Lance Morrow
イメージ 1
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Ideas: Teaching Japan to Say No 

In a provocative new book, maverick legislator Shintaro Ishihara tells his countrymen to be more assertive

By Shintaro Ishihara Seiichi Kanise      Monday, Nov. 20, 1989 

He is the kind of man many Japanese admire -- handsome and well tailored, an avid yachtsman and tennis player, successful politician and novelist. But what makes Shintaro Ishihara, 57, one of the most popular figures in Japan these days is his unapologetic view of the country's pre-eminence on the world stage. As a corollary, he warns the U.S. that its days as a leading economic and industrial power are numbered and that it ignores Japanese interests and sensibilities at its peril.

http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/415dpDN0ObL._AA160_.jpgIshihara, an outspoken intellectual, first rose to national prominence in 1955, when he published a popular anti-Establishment novel, Season of the Sun. Elected to the Japanese Diet in 1968, he has since served as Transport Minister and head of Japan's environmental agency. Earlier this year, he voiced his strongly nationalistic views in a 160-page volume called The Japan That Can Say No. The book has gained considerable attention in his own country and caused some dismay in Washington, where it is now circulating in an unauthorized bootleg translation.

Co-authored with Sony Chairman Akio Morita, the book was aimed mainly at Japanese readers. In his chapters, Morita echoes much of what he has said elsewhere about America's slothful business habits and loss of competitiveness. But it is Ishirara's chapters that are the most contentious. He asserts that Japan now holds the technological balance of power in the world. The Americans may own the missiles, for example, but they cannot fly straight without Japanese semiconductors. Japan, Ishihara argues, must use its technological leverage to assume its rightful place in the world. No longer must the country walk a respectful, and silent, three steps behind the U.S.

Although Ishihara does not champion the notion of Japanese racial superiority, he argues that race has been a crucial factor in shaping America's "biased, incorrect views" of Japan. "The modern civilization built by whites is coming to a close," he writes, "and I feel that this is adding to the irritation of Americans." He adds that the U.S. is "becoming hysterical because a crucial part of military technology is controlled by an Asian country."

The book, like Ishihara, is decidedly blunt. That in itself is a novelty: most postwar Japanese thinkers, obsessed with war guilt and appreciative of America's magnanimity during and after the Occupation, have largely preferred a cautious, indirect approach when writing about relations with the U.S. But the new assertiveness shown by Ishihara intrigues many Japanese citizens: in a recent poll, his name placed third among likely candidates for the prime ministership. Many political insiders feel he is too controversial to get the top job. But Ishihara himself insists that "Japan needs a leader who can say yes or no clearly," as he told TIME's Seiichi Kanise in the following interview.

 
Q. Your book The Japan That Can Say No, co-authored with Morita, is generating controversy in Washington. Are you surprised?
 
 
A. I told the Japanese publisher that the book should be published in the U.S. so that Americans could beter understand what Japanese are thinking. But somene circulated a pirated translation, a clear infringement of copyright. The book is basically written for Japanese readers, to tell them that it's time for Japan to stand up and speak its mind. I mention at one point in the book that Japan could drastically change the world balance of power by selling advanced computer chips to the Soviet Union. This is a very provocative thought, even to me. But I had to say it.

Q. Why?

A. Let me explain. I was in Washington two years ago, right after the U.S. Government slapped punitive tariffs on Japanese electronics goods over the semiconductor issue. The mood was hysterical. At a party an American politician told me that because the U.S. and the Soviet Union were moving closer together, the world power balance had shifted, and Japan was no longer very important. He had the nerve to tell me that the Americans and the Russians share the same identity because they are white. Well, that's fine. But if Moscow is looking to Washington for high technology, Japan is the country that has it. The Soviet Union is free to choose between Japan and the U.S. for high technology, just as we are free to choose between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. In fact, the U.S. can't make reliable one-megabit chips. Japan is the only country that can mass-produce high-performance semiconductors. When I said this at the party, the Americans turned pale. But let me remind you that I was only responding to American threats that Soviet- American detente left no room for Japan.

Q. Is that why Japan should be more assertive or, as you put it, stand up and . say no?

A. Well, of course. But at the same time we have to say yes on many issues. First of all, we -- particularly politicians -- should say no to some groups of people at home. For example, Japan's distribution system is a shambles. The Japanese Fair Trade Commission is a den of Finance Ministry bureaucrats in collusion with industries. It's perfectly understandable that the U.S. got frustrated over some trade issues.

Q. You sound very conciliatory.

A. I believe in talking out problems between Japan and the U.S. But the Foreign Ministry, which sets the tone for negotiations, must stand firm in expressing Japan's position. For example, the U.S. claims that our keiretsu-ka ((vertical integration)) of banks and other financial institutions is outrageous. I don't agree. It's an idiosyncrasy of the Japanese economy. But unless we make the structure of keiretsu-ka clear to all, the Japanese market remains very unfair to people who come from abroad to do business in Japan.

Q. But what you say. . .
 
 
A. Just listen to me first. If Americans who hold shares in Japanese companies demand American-style management at stockholders' meetings, we must clearly say no. That's what we did recently to T. Boone Pickens, a man with a disreputable reputation. America is in decline because of American managers who only care about their short-term gains so that they can boast about them at the next shareholders' meeting. Japanese managers use shareholders' meetings to explain their long-term plans and ask shareholders to bear with limited dividends. Japan has succeeded in rebuilding its economy because it has kept its idiosyncrasies, that is to say, management philosophy, labor- management relations and company-shareholders relations based on humane feelings. We don't have to change those characteristics just to please the Americans.

Q. Then why does Japan make concessions in response to U.S. trade demands?

A. It's because our postwar stepchild mentality hasn't changed. Because bureaucrats and politicians feel that Japan owes the U.S. so much in return for the country's postwar rehabilitation they acquiesce even when the Americans are unreasonable. I think it's time for Japan to move away from this slave mentality. Japan is the only country that is developing practical uses of superconductivity and, I believe, will master the technology in ten years. Then Japan will be at the center of industry. Japan must repel any attempt by the U.S. to prevent it from becoming more self-assertive.

Q. Are you saying that you expect Japan to take global leadership on the strength of its technology?

A. Yes, absolutely. When you look back at history, you'll see that new technologies build new civilizations. Technology determines the quality and quantity of the human economy. The medieval age gave way to the modern age because of the art of navigation, the invention of gunpowder and Gutenberg's art of printing. Now the modern age has come to a close because of nuclear power and electronics. I think Japan will be one of the major players that will build a new world history. It can't be done by Japan alone. Active interaction with other countries will enhance technological developments. In this respect the U.S. will remain Japan's most important partner. There's no doubt the U.S.'s position as a global leader will continue. But from the Japanese viewpoint, the U.S.'s desire to keep Japan or other countries in the palm of its hand is annoying. The Americans should dispassionately put the present world in historical perspective. Their failure to do so will jeopardize not only their future but also that of the rest of the world.

Q. In your book, you say that the U.S. dropped atom bombs on Japan but not on Germany because Americans were racially prejudiced against the Japanese.
 
 
A. We should remember that racial prejudice was a factor. Ask Asians, Hispanics, Indians or blacks living in the U.S. whether whites are racially prejudiced or not. They would just laugh at the question. They would all answer yes. Whites are understandably proud that they undeniably have built the modern era. But the problem is that this historical pride has evolved into arrogance and racial prejudice against nonwhites. Now a nonwhite race, the Japanese, is catching up with the Americans and taking over the lead in advanced technology. The fact is not easy for Americans to swallow. I understand it's humiliating. But the time has come for Americans to give up foolish pride and racial prejudice. Japan overcame its humiliation ((after World War II)) to become what it is today. The Americans say the Japanese have become arrogant, but in my opinion, the racially prejudiced Americans are much more arrogant. Don't misunderstand me here. I personally like the Americans. I admire American society for its dynamism.

Q. When Japanese like yourself speak up, the U.S. reaction is often that the prewar nationalistic Japan is returning.

A. I think that's arrogance on the part of the U.S. They think, or rather they want to believe, that the Japanese people are incapable of formulating their own global ideal. So when we do speak up, they become so irritated that they label it a revival of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. That's an antiquated argument.

Q. This new self-assertiveness on the part of Japan is often regarded in the same light as ultranationalism. How different is it?

A. Are there ultranationalists in Japan? No, there are no ultrarightists in Japan. Some thugs play old-time songs and parade on trucks in the streets, but they are not rightists. If there were true rightists in Japan, many politicians would have been assassinated.

Q. In the last chapter of your book, you urge Japan to become a key part of Asia. How?

A. Japan's franchise is Asia. I think Japan should assume greater responsibility than the U.S. or Europe in the development of the Asian region. It is extremely unpleasant to watch the U.S. drive a wedge between Japan and other Asian countries by propagating the idea that the U.S. military presence is preventing Japan's invasion of the region. In combining the human capital of the New Industrialized Countries of Asia with Japan's high technology and knowledge-intensive industry, Asia could become a powerful economic bloc.

Q. That would require Japanese initiative. Is Japan ready for a new leader? Some say you have a chance to become Prime Minister. Is that possible?

A. I don't know if the U.S. would like the idea. All I can say now is that Japan needs a leader who can say yes and no clearly. With such leadership, Japan could win the true trust of the U.S. Politicians must speak up. Japanese politicians are lazy and inattentive. Today Japanese politics depends on bureaucrats who lack imagination and are defensive. Government leaders are reluctant to take up anything before the matter is thoroughly worked out by bureaucrats.

Q. There's an argument that Japan is unique and that it cannot change without external pressure.

A. It's fine to be unique. Japan doesn't have to ruin its corporations and economy by following the steps of the U.S. or European countries.
 
 
Q. Are the Japanese unique?

A. The Americans are unique, and so are the Japanese. As for the question of whether the Japanese are a superior race or not, I think only our achievements can tell. The Japanese are excellent at connecting a new idea with merchandising. We may be unique in that respect.

米『タイム』誌の日本共産党特集

 

日本の共産党「活気あふれ健在」

日本で唯一の真の野党

侵略戦争反対 尊敬集める


 米『タイム』誌電子版は二十二日、「共産主義は日本で活気にあふれ健在」との見出しで日本共産党の特集記事を掲載しました。同誌は、志位委員長とシンガポール国立大学の藍平児研究員へのインタビューや十九歳の女子学生党員への取材を通じて、日本共産党を紹介。「アジアあるいは世界の中でもっとも成功している非政権党の共産党だろう」「強い草の根の組織を持つ日本で唯一の政党」「もっとも近代的な政党だ」と指摘しています。
 同誌は、日本共産党の戦前、戦後の歴史にも触れ、日本共産党は「日本の旧態依然たる政治への唯一の真の野党」だとしています。
 『タイム』誌は、一九二三年に創刊された米国の有力週刊誌で世界初のニュース雑誌。政治、経済、最先端科学、エンターテインメントなどあらゆる情報を網羅しています。

 米『タイム』誌電子版二十二日付の日本共産党の特集記事では、志位和夫委員長とのインタビューをまじえ、「日本の四百万人を超える有権者は前回国政選挙で共産党に投票した。主要政党がなにものも代弁していないからだ」としています。
 同記事は、大勢の十代の若者と何も変わったところはない十九歳の和光大学の学生、鈴木通子さんのクラスメートの中での活動を紹介、親子三代が党員である鈴木さんの「家族の一員が不屈にたたかっているのを見るってかっこいいと思う」との発言を引用しています。
 また、シンガポール国立大学の藍平児研究員の言葉を引用して「日本共産党はおそらく、アジアあるいは世界の中でもっとも成功している非政権党の共産党だろう」「日本共産党は、小政党だが、強い草の根の組織を持つ日本で唯一の政党だ」「ある意味では、日本共産党はおそらく日本でもっとも近代的な政党だ」と日本共産党を描いています。

歴史に根ざす

 同記事は、日本共産党を「ソ連崩壊後十五年以上たつのに世界第二の経済大国で頑張り続ける共産党」だとし、「日本共産党は絶滅とは程遠い。約四十万の党員をもち、二〇〇五年の最新の衆院選挙では四百三十六万、7・3%の得票を得た」と強調しています。
 「その成功は、日本における同党の長い歴史に根ざしている」として、志位委員長が「日本共産党は、党員が命がけで過去の侵略戦争に反対してたたかった唯一の政党です」とインタビューで述べた部分を紹介、「その首尾一貫した立場は、終戦後多くの日本人の尊敬を勝ち取った」ことを指摘しています。さらに同誌は日本共産党の戦後のたたかいを紹介し、「いまなお日本政治で重きをなしている」と述べています。
 同誌は、志位委員長が、同党の生き残りの理由を、日本共産党がモスクワからの独立性を常に貫いたことにあると指摘したことを紹介、「日本共産党の耐久性は、国内政治でのその役割に負うところがもっと大きい。日本政界の大政党は、明確で一貫したアイデンティティーを持っておらず、利権集団のゆるやかな同盟として機能しており、識別できるような政治的な立場の違いはほとんどない。それらの大政党は、イデオロギー的な基礎に基づく支持ではない」と指摘しています。

政治とカネ追及

 同誌はさらに、「国会七百二十二議席のうちたった十八議席しかないものの、日本共産党はしばしば、日本の旧態依然たる政治への唯一の真の野党としての役割を果たしている」と指摘。「日本の政党のうち事実上、共産党だけが、第二次世界大戦時に数万人のアジア女性に売春を強要した日本の役割をめぐって、安倍晋三首相やその他の政治家の後ろ向きの姿勢を厳しく追及している。共産党の政治家は、政府に打撃を与える金銭スキャンダルを繰り返し暴露してきた」と強調。志位委員長の言葉として「われわれは監視者だが、それ以上のことをやっている」「日本共産党の前進は、日本の政治の前進の鍵となると思う」と引用しています。
 同誌は、七月の参院選挙について「日本共産党は抗議票を集めるだろうし、もし若者たちが鈴木さんを見習えば、抗議にとどまらない票を集めるかもしれない」と述べ、鈴木さんの「私の友人やまわりにいる人たちは、自分探しで苦労しています。自分に自信がもてないんです」「でも私は日本共産党の党員として、未来へのもっと広い視野を持っています。私たちに可能性があることを私は知っていますから」という言葉で記事を締めくくっています。
 
Communism Is Alive and Well and Living in Japan 

By Bryan Walsh      Friday, June 22, 2007


 Cute as Hello Kitty, 19-year-old Michiko Suzuki looks like any of the thousands of teens haunting the street fashion stores of Tokyo's youthful Harajuku district. But when the Wako University student takes time off from study sessions dissecting Marx to hit the street, it's usually in order to distribute political literature. To her classmates, the party may be something to which you bring the karaoke machine, but Suzuki knows it's really the revolutionary vanguard of class struggle. That's because Suzuki is a teenage communist.

Bolshevism runs in her family: The daughter and granddaughter of party members, she joined the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) as soon as she turned 18. "I think it's cool to see [fellow members] struggling unyieldingly," says Suzuki, smiling shyly. "I really love that last word."

The idea of a communist party soldiering on in the world's second-largest economy more than 15 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union may invite comparisons to Japanese soldiers who remained hidden on isolated Pacific islands because nobody told them World War II had ended. But the JCP is far from extinct: It claims some 400,000 members, and earned 7.3% of the vote in the most recent legislative elections, in 2005 — that's 4.36 million voters.

"The JCP is probably the most successful non-ruling communist party in Asia, if not the world," says Lam Peng-er, a research fellow at the National University of Singapore's East Asian Institute.

That success has its roots in the party's long history in Japan. Born in 1922 as the Japanese branch of the Communist International, the international federation of Marxist-Leninist parties created by Moscow, the JCP quickly adapted itself to local conditions. It was one of the few Japanese groups to stand up to the rise of Japanese militarists in the run-up to World War II, and suffered heavily as a result.

"The JCP was the only political party that struggled against the past war of aggression with the sacrifice of members' lives," says Kazuo Shii, the JCP's salaryman-suited chairman. That principled stance earned the respect of many Japanese after the war ended, and the newly legal JCP was allowed to run for election. But the JCP's early success spooked American occupation officials fearful of Soviet infiltration, and they moved to curtail the party's influence. In the "Red Purge" of 1949, they removed all communists and other left-wingers from official positions in Japan, leaving the LDP to dominate for decades. Still, the JCP formed a reliable leftist opposition bloc with the larger and more mainstream Japanese Socialist Party, steadfastly pacifist and opposed to a security alliance with the U.S. 

Of course, communist parties elsewhere in the industrialized world that had followed a similar script nonetheless faded into irrelevance in the 1990s. But the JCP, although weaker than in its heyday, still matters in Japanese politics.

Shii credits the JCP's consistent independence from Moscow for its survival. But the JCP's endurance has more to do with its role in the domestic political arena. The largest parties in Japanese politics lack a clear and cohesive identity, functioning more as loose alliances of interest with few discernible political differences, and they draw support less on ideological bases than through personal networks of patronage built by individual candidates. "It's like Tammany Hall," says Lam. Support for the parties themselves is weak, and getting weaker, as increasingly sophisticated Japanese voters seek meaningful political choice.

The JCP may benefit by virtue of actually standing for something — "the socialist/communist society," according to its manifesto. "The JCP is a boutique party, but it's the only political party in Japan that has a strong grassroots organization," says Lam. "In a way, the communists are probably the most modern political party in Japan."

Despite holding only 18 of the 722 seats in the Diet, the JCP often functions as the only genuine opposition to politics-as-usual in Tokyo. Virtually alone among Japan's parties, the communists have hammered Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and others for backsliding on Japan's role in forcing tens of thousands of Asian women into prostitution during World War II. Communist politicians have repeatedly uncovered damaging financial scandals in government — they're too far removed from power to be enmeshed in Tokyo's endemic corruption. "We are the watchdog, but we go further than that," says Shii. "I think the advance of the JCP will be key to the advance of Japanese politics."

Well, maybe — it may be the most progressive party in Japanese politics, but it still adheres to Marxism. (When I half-seriously ask one college-aged party member whether he reads the classics, he reaches into his backpack and produces Volume 2 of the 13-volume Japanese translation of Das Kapital.) And the JCP's cohesion comes at the expense of flexibility and openness — Leninist discipline still applies, and when the Central Committee has ruled on an issue, members are expected to obey. "That's increasingly out of sync with postmodern Japan," says Lam. "But the fear of the JCP is that if they relent, the party will lose its cohesiveness."

The JCP's performance won't change the outcome of July's legislative elections, which could decide the fate of Abe. The Prime Minister's popularity has dropped to record lows in recent weeks due to public anger over mismanaged pension accounts, and he may be forced to resign if the ruling LDP loses too many seats. Still, most Japanese voters will choose either the LDP or the opposition Democratic Party, however unenthusiastically. But the JCP will pick up protest votes, and maybe more, if young Japanese follow Suzuki's example. "I think my friends and those around me have a lot of difficulty and hardship finding themselves, having any confidence in themselves," says Suzuki. "But as a member of the JCP, I have a wider perspective on my future. I know we have possibility." Who said the war was over?

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