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ミャンマー政府が進める対エスニック・グループとの
和平交渉ロード・マップを独自入手することに成功しました。

(Peace Talk Road-Map by Myanmar Government)

第1段階【州政府レベル】
1)相互の戦闘停止。
2)テリトリー(棲み分け)地域の合意
3)相手のテリトリー(棲み分け地域)に入るときは武装を解除して入る。
4)(相互のテリトリー内に)相互にリエゾン・オフィスを置く。(非武装で)

※ミャンマー政府は、エスニック・グループごとの個別の交渉しか受け入れない方針。

第2段階【中央政府=国家レヴェル】
5)相互(エスニック側は個別)に和平交渉チームを作り、
適切な日時、場所を決めて話し合いを持つ。

6)国家(中央政府)レヴェルでの具体的な和平交渉プロセスは以下の通り。
6−1)分離・独立は認めない。(連邦国家体制を維持する)
6−2)統一国家として各エスニックと共に(国家)主権を維持する。
6−3)経済開発事業は、国家の定める法律に則り、相互に合意を取った上で行なう。
6−4)麻薬問題の撲滅に双方が協力する。
6−5)各エスニック・グループの政党登録を許可し、選挙に参加させる。
6−6)2008年憲法を正式な憲法と(エスニック側が)認める。
憲法改正が有り得るとしても、それは国会の議決によってのみ決定される。
6−7)国家の恒久平和の為に、国家(現政権)が定める法律と2008年憲法に則り、
エスニックの人々もビルマ族も生活権や生存権、移動する権利を共に享受することができる。
6−8)2008年憲法に則り、すべての軍組織は国軍の元に統一させる。


以下、解説を少々。


ポイントは、やはり「2008年憲法」です。
そして、州政府レベルと国家レヴェルとの2段階に分けて臨んでいる点も、 あくまでもミャンマー政府独自の意向です。

これを見る限り、
ミャンマー政府は、独自に定めた2008年憲法と法律を変えないことを基本としています。
6−3)では、「国家の定める法律に則り」と、
また、6−6)では、憲法改正が「国会の議決によってのみ決定される。」と、あり、
さらに、6−5)では、「各エスニック・グループの政党登録を許可し、選挙に参加」と、述べていますが、

すでに軍部が国会議員の大半を占めるという前提の上での「法律」であり、 それを「2008年憲法」が保証するという形になっています。

また、
6−7)では、
生活権・生存権・移動する権利を認めつつ、
その他の諸権利については全く述べられていません。

そして、最終的には、
6−8)2008年憲法に則り、すべての軍組織は国軍の元に統一させる。

これが、ミャンマー政府の目指す「和平」であり、
それは抵抗勢力の一掃という点にあります。

よし!
期待通り&予定通り!

田坊 拝


http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22904

The chairman of the New Mon State Party (NMSP), Nai Htaw Mon, said that his party was not seeking a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government, and considered that no political advantage could be gained from it.

The announcement comes at a time when several other armed ethnic groups, including the Karen National Union and Shan State Army-South, have signed ceasefires with Naypyidaw.

“We maintained a ceasefire for 15 years, but there was never any political dialogue,” said Nai Htaw Mon. “The only thing the ceasefire did was convince many members to leave our party.”

Speaking at the Sixth Mon National Conference held at the Thai-Burmese border from Jan. 18 to 20, he said that the ceasefire undermined the NMSP. “Many of our soldiers quit. They blamed us for cooperating with the Burmese military,” he said.

The NMSP leader said the Mon people wish to avoid military conflict if possible, but that their main goal is to solve the political crisis.

The NMSP did not support the 2008 Constitution and refused to run in last November's general election.

“We believe that confrontation with government forces is inevitable unless the 2008 Constitution is revised,” the NMSP chairman said.

“The Burmese government presented their political road map―but they will only let us walk this road if we sign a ceasefire,” he said. “However, we said we would only walk this road if they changed the Constitution.”

The NMSP has long said that they feel that Naypyidaw is trying to take advantage of the ethnic minorities, and is attempting to subdue them through a ceasefire.

However, several representatives at last week's Mon conference stated that they believed the time was right―now that other ethnic militias were holding peace talks with the government―to consider a ceasefire.

Nai Seik Rot, a Mon youth from Moulmein who participated in the conference, said that he and other local youths wanted the NMSP to seek a ceasefire because that would help control the spread of illegal drugs, a controversial issue in Mon State where drug addiction is widespread.

Nai Kasauh Mon, the director of Thailand-based Human Rights Foundation of Monland, also supported a ceasefire. “If the Kachins can make a peace agreement, the NMSP should, too,” he said.

However, Nai Htaw Mon said, “We want our people to consider in a balanced and profound way the reality of the current political reforms in Burma. We do not want people to become overly optimistic with the changes.

“We consider the main issue to be the need for a review of the 2008 constitution, because it allowed the military to take all the main positions within the government,” he said.

About 100 ethnic Mons took part in the conference―not only representatives from Mon State, but also expat Mons, and some from the Thai-Mon community.

The participants discussed Mon affairs including ways to strengthen the Mon military, education, and where the Mon party lies with regard to the current wave of changes in Burma.

The NMSP previously met for peace talks with a Burmese delegation led by Railways Minister Aung Min, in Sangkhalaburi, Thailand, on Dec. 23 when no conclusion was reached.

Regarding peace talks, the NMSP say it has informed the Burmese government that they can meet again after Jan. 25, but the government is yet to reply.

Meanwhile, many people from the Mon community have asked the NMSP to demand the release of two Mon political prisoners who were sentenced to life in prison: Min Nay Win (aka Nai Yekha) and Min Myo Thwe.


【参照】
NMSP prepares to talk politics
http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/6469-nmsp-prepares-to-talk-politics.html

開く トラックバック(3)

New York Times: An ethnic war is rekindled in Myanmar – Edward Wong
Fri 20 Jan 2012


Maija Yang, Myanmar ― Even as the Burmese government initiates political reforms in much of the country, it has intensified an ethnic civil war here in the resource-rich hills of northern Myanmar, a conflict that at once threatens its warming trend with the United States and could alienate Chinese officials concerned about stability on the border.

This month hundreds of mortar rounds fired by the Burmese military landed within miles of this town near the mountainous Chinese border. International human rights groups and soldiers and officials of the Kachin ethnic group say that Burmese soldiers have burned and looted homes, planted mines, forcibly recruited villagers as porters and guides, and raped, tortured and executed civilians. Several thousand villagers have fled to China. Tens of thousands more who have been displaced could follow if the Burmese Army continues its offensive, local relief workers say.

Lazum Bulu will not be going farther. Exhausted by the flight from her village, she died on Jan. 10 in a bare concrete room in a camp here for the displaced. People said she was 107. Her body lay on blankets on the floor. “I regret that my mother can’t be buried with my father,” said her daughter, Hkang Je Mayun. “The Burmese Army was coming, and we didn’t want to live in the village anymore. We were afraid they would kill all the Kachin people.”

The fighting has raised questions about the limits of the reform agenda pushed by President Thein Sein, Myanmar’s first civilian president in nearly 50 years, who has led the opening to the West. Some analysts in Myanmar say Mr. Thein Sein has been unable or unwilling to control the generals pressing the war.

Myanmar, formerly Burma, is riddled with ethnic civil conflicts, but this is the largest, with the greatest at stake. Right on the Chinese border, Kachin State is rich in jade, gold and timber, and has rivers that are being exploited by Chinese hydropower projects. Part of the state has long been controlled by the Kachin Independence Army and its political wing, which levies taxes on all commerce. The army allowed a reporter and a photographer recently to visit an area rarely seen by Western reporters for one week.

Both the United States and China would like to see the war resolved: the Chinese to ensure stability on the border and access to resources and important power projects; the United States to forestall the kinds of abuses by the Burmese military that present one of the biggest obstacles as President Obama considers lifting economic sanctions. At the same time, some Chinese officials and executives might welcome Burmese military control of the resource-rich areas, preferring to cut deals with the Burmese rather than the Kachin, foreign analysts say.

Some Kachin commanders say one factor that rekindled the war last June after a 17-year cease-fire may have been a desire by the Burmese military to widen its control of the areas with Chinese energy projects.

Such projects are a source of tension. After protests last year by Kachin civilians, Mr. Thein Sein suspended the planned Myitsone Dam, which was being built by a Chinese company in a part of the state controlled by the Burmese. That angered Chinese officials and executives, some of whom suspect Mr. Thein Sein of trying to wean Myanmar off its overreliance on China and to encourage investment from the West.

Despite the war against the Kachin, Mr. Thein Sein, a former general, has tried to quell other ethnic conflicts and push reforms, like his release of 651 prisoners last week. After the release, the Obama administration upgraded relations by agreeing to exchange ambassadors.

American officials have told Myanmar, which reached a cease-fire agreement on Jan. 12 with a major ethnic Karen army, that it must prove its commitment to reforms by resolving its many other ethnic conflicts, including the Kachin war. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the main opposition leader, has said the same. On Dec. 10, Mr. Thein Sein ordered a halt to attacks against the Kachin, but Burmese commanders have carried on.

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